Meiji Restoration In Japan Essay Competition

Reasons For The Success Of The Meiji Restoration

In 1868, samurai from Satsuma and Choshu domains overthrew the Tokugawa Shogunate, took over the government, and began a series of major modernization reforms, known as the Meiji Restoration. From 1868 to 1912, Japan grew from a technologically backward nation to a world power, defeating both China and Russia swiftly and decisively. On top of this, Japan had succeeded in establishing a parliament, drafting a constitution, developed a strong financial, economic and legal system, created a strong industry and improved social welfare and education standards. These made Japan internationally recognised and respected as a modernized country. Looking back, we can identify numerous reasons that led to the success of the Meiji Restoration, namely the legacies of Japan, the vision and capabilities of individual leaders and the flexible political structure.

1.2 Rationale
Most historians concur that while the Meiji Restoration was not without its flaws, it was a success in many areas and proved to the world that Asian powers were able match the West in terms of modernization. To emulate such a process and to apply it, it is of utmost importance to first analyse the reasons that made the Meiji Restoration a success despite facing numerous challenges. To refine this idea, the three reasons, namely legacies left behind, vision and capabilities of individual leaders and the flexible political structure will be weighed and evaluated to come to a conclusion as to what ultimately defined the direction of the Meiji Restoration and its success.'
1.3 Research Questions
1. In what aspects did each factor contribute to success of Meiji Restoration?
2. Were the impacts of each factor sustained throughout the entire modernization process?
3. Could the Meiji Restoration have succeeded without a particular factor?
4. How would the Meiji Restoration have evolved differently if any factor was left out?

1.4 Thesis Statement
The most important factor that led to the success of the Meiji Restoration was the flexible political structure the Meiji Oligarchy adopted to fulfil multiple goals of modernization simultaneously.

1.5 Methodology
This paper will focus on qualitative analysis of secondary sources from the viewpoints of historians. Most of the historians looked at will also be Japanese as they take into account Japanese values and ideologies before making a statement. These works will then be placed into perspective of Rozman's (1981) works on the desirable outcomes of modernization and systematically compared.
1.6 Scope of Research / Delimitation
The main focus of modernization will be Japan's rise to international recognition, especially in the eyes of the west. This paper focuses on three main factors, namely legacies of Japan, vision and capabilities of individual Meiji leaders and the flexible political structure the Meiji oligarchy adopted. The Meiji Restoration will be set from 1868 to 1912, under the Meiji emperor.

1.7 Significance of Research / Usefulness
Many have remarked the success of the Meiji Restoration but few have attributed to clear, defined factors. Few books and papers that aim to provide reasons categorise them under neat headings and the end result is ultimately a huge web of interlinking, factors that often overlap. In this paper, the different factors will be classified under headings to facilitate understanding of their importance. Few authors have devoted their paper or books to weighing the different factors. I ultimately aim to analyse the numerous factor systematically, coming to a conclusion that allows leaders to truly extract essential strategies to apply in the modern world.

1.8 Limitation(s)
For a topic as broad as the Meiji Restoration, it is impossible to come up with all the different factors before classifying them into more specific headings. Some books have been written in Japanese and translations may not encapsulate the true meaning and understanding of the original authors.. It is also key to note that some first-hand letters and personal documents may not be reliable because the authors have participated in the political modernization themselves, and have developed certain opinions on controversial issues and their views may be based on emotion and not an objective point of view. They may not be the most accurate factually, but offer different points of view and are thus still useful.

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Chapter Two: Literature Review
2.1 Sources
With regards to Japan's Meiji Restoration, many books, journals and articles have gone into great detail, typically from the perspective of historians, in analysing each individual factor's impact on the modernization process. However, few have clearly and systematically compared and analysed the different factors. By comparing each factor based on a set of criteria determining the success of modernization, I will systematically analyse and conclude which factor played the most significant role in making Meiji Restoration a success.

2.2 Legacies left behind by Tokugawa Shogunate
Before delving how each individual legacy affects the success of the modernization process, numerous Western historians including Cohen (1974) and Mclaren (1965) have expressed doubts on the extent legacies as a whole affect the success of Meiji Restoration, citing that 'modernization was a change in entirety as seen in their political and social reforms'. Japanese historians, on the other hand, rebut this thesis. Yozo (1966) and Tsuneo (1995) concur in their respective publications that 'legacies have had a huge influence on the nation preceding modernization, especially Asian countries'. Cohen diminishes the importance of Japanese legacies. He cited different revolutions in European countries such as the French revolution and how the legacies did not play such an important role in modernization and industrialization. However, he failed to note that unlike European countries, Japan's modernization comes with westernization, both politically and socially. He had missed out that Japan, in its 1000 years of mostly internal evolution had developed extremely different ideology such as Japanese Confucianism. To modernize, Japan had to carry out reforms Western style, often leading to clash of political and social cultures. Liao (2006) notes that

If we study the process of Western modernization in a nation we cannot neglect the legacies which have been handed down from pre-modern ages, providing a continuing influence on the inheritor-nation. In particular, such as nations as China and Japan have survived for several thousands of years and have created a great ' and according to some ' glorious Oriental Civilization in the Asian World.
This idea is further reinforced by the fact that Japan had almost no contact with the West after 1600 when the entire Western world was modernizing. As Tsuneo (1995) points out, in the period of modernization, it is not merely the surface that is touched, but deeply ingrained values and philosophy and hence the predominant legacies do indeed affect, whether positive or negatively, the way reforms are carried out and its outcome.
Western and Japanese historians have disagreed whether the military class from the Tokugawa Japan played a significant role in affecting the successful outcome of Meiji Restoration. Due to relative peace for the 200 years between 1600s and 1800s, Western skeptics have argued that 'since there was no significant military campaign or political change except small scale riots by peasants or townsmen, the military gradually decayed' (Lehmann, 1982). While this is factually true, it is a one-sided attempt to put down the military and is not an objective view of the strength and weaknesses of the Tokugawa military. His argument that the army is not strong militarily and hence could not play a role in the success of Meiji Restoration is flawed. Looking from a historical perspective, the military may have been weak in terms of the ability to fight a war but it does not prove that it did not play a part in ensuring that Meiji Reforms were successfully carried out. Japanese military historians Atsushi (2001), Kiichiro (1999) and Hushiko (1996) acknowledged that to the samurai 'warfare had become a matter of theory, not practice'. However, unlike ability to fight, but more importantly their ingrained values and ideology:
The 'traditional' samurai values of bushido ''' (Way of the Warrior) such as absolute loyalty to one's master, strict fulfilment of one's obligations, deadly defence of one's status and honour, were emphasized and codified even after the shogunate secured stability of the regime.
Citing how many samurai passionately transferred their personal loyalty from the daimyo to the Emperor and vehemently resisted foreign invasion, it can be seen that while the samurai may have decayed in terms of fighting ability, their core values and determination to improve cannot be looked over. With their strong intent to resist Western invasion, many were willing to give up traditional samurai rights for their country. Given a strong sense of cultural identity in the Japanese, Western historians could have underestimated the will, values and pride Japanese samurai possessed which became key to implementing reforms in Meiji Japan and made it so successful. Factual accuracy is important but background knowledge and cultural context are also key to interpreting history. Therefore, a wide range of opinions is needed for an objective and accurate analysis.

2.3 Vision and capabilities of individual leaders
Both Western and Japanese historians concur that the Meiji oligarchy had strong leadership and vision. However, Western historians do not agree that the diplomatic missions to the West prove the far-sightedness of the Japanese. British historian Daniel (1978) argues that 'diplomatic missions such as the Iwakura mission have failed in their mission of renegotiating unequal treaties'. While this is true, it should be noted that the Japanese gained irreplaceable knowledge in the process. While the 'official' motive of the Iwakura mission may not have been met, throughout the two years from 1871 to 1873, the 48 leaders would undoubtedly have a chance to closely look and analyse Western politics, economy, military and even way of thinking. Furthermore, this two year mission would have allowed leaders to immerse themselves in Western culture and ideology, a move that influences the policies and decisions made. These decisions made the modernization process proceed quickly and effectively and this was definitely key to the success of Meiji Restoration. This argument is further supported by the various letters written by Ito Hirobumi to Saigo Takamori, then the leader of Meiji Japan's armed forces. In his letters, Ito conscientiously listed the various aspects of Western military that could be adapted to Japan's needs. This led to various structural reforms within the army before the Iwakura Mission even returned. By examining both the Western view and first-hand accounts from the Japanese side, we are able to conclude that Japanese leaders were far-sighted to proceed on numerous missions to the West and had the vision to see Western style politics, economy and military in context of Japan. Based on facts, letters and parliamentary articles, these visionary leaders made key decisions that contributed to key essential reforms that led to the overall success of Meiji Restoration.

2.4 Flexible political structure
In the twenty-first century a new theory on the politics of Meiji Japan emerged. Contemporary historians have discovered what they call 'flexible structure of politics' (Banno & Ohno, 2010) in Meiji Japan. They have cited that '[In Meiji politics] no single group dominated; each had to form a coalition to pursue a policy'. In simpler terms, it means that every aspect was given due attention, and military goals were not single mindedly pursued. As cited by Rozman (1981) modernization encompasses a wide range of areas. Hence success in modernization meant that many aspects are covered, not just military. Given that both Banno and Ohno are respected historians in the field of Meiji Restoration, their analysis should be given due weight. Their analysis while supported by the same facts available to us 50 years ago, offer in immensely insightful and different view to the political structure.
This relatively new concept rebuts an old misconception that some historians have. When analysing Japan's involvement in World War Two, British historians have come to a conclusion that Japan's militaristic intentions have originated since the Meiji Era. Wilson (1957) and Gordon (2003) cited that Japanese militarism can be noticed as early as the Meiji Era, with rapid build-up of military power. However, this is at odds with facts. Just because Japan had rapidly built up its military in no way reveals that it is militaristic. These historians have rightfully pointed out an important fact. However, they have not looked at the context closely. As Reischauer (1981) notes, '[the] emphasis on military power had been forced on Meiji Japan by the predatory nature of Western imperialism in the nineteenth century'. Thus looking at the context, it is understandable that Japan wanted to avoid mistakes made by the Chinese in the same period of time, hence strengthening the army was a vital step. Furthermore, Wilson (1957) and Gordon (2003) analysis should not be given too much weight. As they were writing about Japan in World War Two, they may have been noting different plausible possibilities for other historians to analyse as to why Japan appeared so militaristic and were not particular specialists in the Meiji Era.
In the course of this literature review, some less predominant viewpoints are also considered to allow my analysis to be as objective as possible. Authors such as Takeo(1989) commented on how Saigo Takamori's rebellion in 1877 and the political crisis of 1881 reveal major flaws in the political system. However, as rebutted by many historians both in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, Mu's argument does not offer a good insight on the political situation. While it is accepted that these incidents certainly proved that flaws exist in the system, Eiichi (2001) says that 'the oligarchy's ability to swiftly resolve both crises is yet another example to prove the strength and resolve of the Meiji government'. This strength made it possible for numerous policies that have suffered opposition to pass through for the greater good of the modernization process. Hence, it appears rather absurd for Mu(1968) to have commented on the issues, but not on the ability of the leaders to resolve them quickly, without hindering the progress of the revolution.


2.5 Limitations
There has been extensive research done on the various factors of Meiji Restoration. The differing Western and Japanese allow for a better understanding of this complex and dynamic modernization process as a whole. At the same time, by taking into account factors like cultural and social differences of the different historians, one is able to come to a sound conclusion and analysis of each factor. It is regretful that there are few works analysing and comparing the different factors affecting the success of the Meiji Restoration. This research therefore aims to use existing work and analysis of individual factors as stepping stones to further discussion and comparison of various factors.'
Chapter Three: Analysis and Discussion
3.1 Modernization in Japanese context
I agree with Rozman (1981) that modernization is 'the process by which societies have been and are being transformed under the impact of the scientific and technological revolution'. This can be broadly thought of as a process which entails independent sovereignty in international society, political stability, strong military, strong financial and economic system to support the industry, high life expectancy, equitable distribution of income, social welfare and high education level.
Throughout Japan's path to modernization from 1868 to 1912 in the Meiji Era, these desirable outcomes of modernization have been met, one after another. I however believe that the key outcome that proved the success of the revolution was how Japan gained international recognition and became a respected nation in the eyes of Western powers after its decisive victory in the Russo-Japanese War. According to Gordon (2003), the Russo-Japanese War from 1905 to 1906 was the 'first major [military] victory in the modern era of an Asian power over a European nation...Japan's international prestige rose greatly'. In other words, the Russo-Japanese War can be seen as a turning point of Japan's rise from a technologically backward nation to a world power recognised and to a certain extent feared by the West. This is supported by Yozo (1966) who cites that 'by 1910, most unequal economic treaties were abolished'Japanese officials were treated much better than in the Iwakura Mission 30 years ago'. I would therefore like to focus on how Japan successfully achieved international recognition and respect, and this entails Japan's military modernization and handling of diplomatic relations.

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3.2 Japan's path to international recognition and prestige
In 1858, the unequal treaties of 'Treaty of Amity and Commerce' and 'Ansei Treaties' were signed between Japan and Western nations, predominantly United States. This forcefully opened up ports of Kanagawa and Nagasaki to foreign trade with low taxes. Furthermore, it implemented a system of extraterritoriality that provided for the subjugation of foreign residents to the laws of their own consular courts instead of the Japanese law system. After overthrowing the Tokugawa Shogunate, samurai from domains such as Satsuma and Choshu began aggressive reforms, eventually culminating in defeat of China and Russia in the Sino-Japanese War in 1895 and Russo-Japanese War in 1905 respectively. It was eventually recognised and feared by the United Kingdom as a world power and potential threat to its interests in the Far East and all unequal treaties were abolished by 1910.

3.3 Reasons for the successful modernization of Meiji Restoration
3.3.1 Legacies
Japanese values and way of thinking are largely based on Confucianism thoughts. It is worthy to note that from the 1635 to 1850s, Japan established a seclusion policy called the 'Sakoku Edict of 1625' which barred entry and exit into or out of Japan and placed strict restrictions on goods that can be traded. The main aim of this is to eliminate Western influences, ideology and philosophy. 'While this prevented the importation of Western technology, resulting in a backward nation, it also preserved Japanese values and united the people under the Shogun with a national identity' (Yoshida, 1985).

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3.3.1.1 Japanese honour and pride
Throughout the Tokugawa regime, there was no significant military campaign or political change except small-scale riots by peasants or townsmen. This resulted in 'warfare becoming a matter of theory, not practice' (Fairbank et.al, 1989). The Shogunate also wanted to rule Japan in peace and re-trained samurai from the role of fighters to that of well-educated bureaucrats in the administrations system. Despite this, 'Traditional samurai values such as strict fulfilment of obligations, deadly defence of one's honour and status, were emphasized and codified after the shogun secured stability of the regime' (Liao, 2006). This meant that while military and fighting capabilities of the samurai class may have decayed, they still upheld tradition values and honour, and would not tolerate any form of insult to the Emperor, the country and their name and honour. In the latter stages of the Tokugawa period some samurai passionately transferred their personal loyalty from their feudal lords or the Shogunate, to the emperor as the national symbol. Therefore,
'Unequal treaties were seen as an insult to Japanese pride and the samurai, while unhappy with the government, realised the need to restore Japanese honour and gave their full support to the government, especially in military aspects.' (Yozo, 1966)
This support and loyalty to the government were not something symbolic, but rather proven through actions. Given that they have always seen Westerners as 'Gaijin' or 'barbarians', it was impossible for them to accept that the Westerner were not on equal ground as them. Despite the fact that many samurai had to swallow their pride when they were banned from carrying their swords openly, which acted as a class symbol, few protested. Most understood the need for sacrifices to be made for the greater good. Despite some having to work tirelessly for relatively low wages, their inborn sense of pride to stand up for their honour was still burning strongly and they were willing give it their best for something they believed in.
3.3.1.2 Political stability during Tokugawa period
A key factor that made Japan a conducive environment for modernization was the peace and prosperity within the Tokugawa regime. According to Yoshida (1985), 'the Tokugawa had established political stability and relative peace, with proper organisation and distribution of power' relatively bloodless takeover by the Meiji Oligarchy.' Unlike many other revolutions worldwide like the Russian revolution, Japan was not in a messy state or did have constant, internal conflicts. This meant that there was a relatively peaceful takeover by the Meiji Oligarchy. Japanese citizens were also generally well looked after and there were few urgent problems like famine to solve. Also as 'there was no significant military campaign or political change except small-scale riots by peasants or townsmen' (Liao, 2006), the people were peaceful and generally satisfied with their lives. With a high level of enthusiasm on the part of the people as well as stable political and economic systems, Japan was well on its way to become the first modernized Asian nation in the modern era.

3.3.2 Vision and capabilities of individual leaders
The very first batch of leaders such as Okubo Toshimichi, Kido Takayoshi, Ito Hirobumi and Yamagata Arimoto started off as ordinary low ranking samurai from outer domains, primarily Satsuma and Choshu. They lead normal lives of middle-upper class warriors and did not display particularly remarkable traits. Everything was changed as they staged revolutions, ultimately overthrowing the Tokugawa Shogunate and assumed power, ushering in a new era for Japan. It would be an understatement to say that they helped Japan modernize. Almost every successful military, economic and political policy came from these sharp and far-sighted leaders. Therefore, without the vision and capabilities of individual leaders, Japan would never have executed modernization so efficiently, almost flawlessly.

3.3.2.1 Establishment of diplomatic relationships and ties
When Western powers came to Japan in 1860s, not only did they force Japan to sign unequal economic treaties, they also it implemented a system of extraterritoriality that provided for the subjugation of foreign residents to the laws of their own consular courts instead of the Japanese law. They gave no respect to the Japanese court or its people. In this sense, Japanese were treated as second-class citizens right in their own country. On the global scale, Japan had no international standing and was seen a backward country, being an 'economic playground for the rich Western powers' (Yozo, 1966).
Fortunately for Japan, leaders such as Iwakura Tomoni realised earlier on that if Japan ever wanted to become a superpower, it needed allies around the world to support them militarily and economically. Furthermore, Iwakura and Hirobumi saw the need to import Western elements into Japan to speed up the slow and tedious process of modernization and more importantly prove to the West that it was a civilised nation deemed fit of the title of 'superpower'. As Hamilton (1905) puts it, 'the West was only willing to accept Japan as a world power if it proves itself as a cultured and civilised country that embodies democracy and fundamentals of Western way of thinking.' A group of 48 Meiji leaders went on a diplomatic mission called the Iwakura Mission to the west for 2 years from 1871 to 1873 with the main aim of renegotiating unequal treaties. While the team may have failed in this aspect, the mission was still undeniably a success. According to Iwakura, 'the two years have given us greater insight at the workings of Western politics, military and economic policies' In this sense, it can be seen as a great success.' In the following decade, Japan adopted and adapted many Western policies that achieved great success, some even greater that those implemented by the original state. These include the military reform of 1872 where Japan adopted a British-styled navy, French-styled army and Paris police system. Hoover, a British commander who visited Japan in 1876, commented
'I have heard plenty about Japan but it is nothing like what I have just witnessed. Western military policies have been so carefully and successfully adapted to suit the needs of the Japanese'It is indeed remarkable that these people have established such a strong foundation and social order' It will not be any surprise if they were to become a power in the Far-East.'
It is indeed impressive that Meiji leaders saw the need to build diplomatic relations right at the start of their modernization process and this shows how far-sighted these leaders were.
3.2.2.2 Overseas Students
By 1874, 466 Japanese students, mainly in their teens were sent to America, Britain and France to study. Japanese leaders did not only see about the current successes but also prepared the next generation of leaders for their vital role of continuing Japanese modernization. These visionary leaders realised that 'importing Western knowledge and concepts were not enough, and leaders, especially Okubo clearly recognised the need for the future generation of leaders to pursue further education in the West.' These investments were extremely costly, given that students were sent to the best schools and would not yield much return for the next 10, 20 years. Despite this, the leaders were able to recognise the long term investments and how they eventually need a good, reliable future generation of leaders who have a global perspective. Students such as Kaneko Kantaro eventually became a diplomat to America and his role in bringing America and Japan together was indisputable.
3.3.3 Flexible political structure
3.3.3.1 Curbing of aggression

With so many capable leaders keen on pursuing their own style and aspect of modernization, conflict was inevitable. As seen from the failed 1873 expedition to Korea and the 1877 Satsuma Rebellion lead by an ex Meiji leader, having so many talented and capable leaders could cause a potential political split in Japan, marking the end of the revolution. The lead course of this was Saigo Takamori's keen intent on invading Korea merely 5 years after the Meiji Restoration began. 'A 1873 invasion of Korea would have been disastrous for Japan for it would have been condemned by the West.' (Yozo, 1966) This is due to the fact that Japan is still far behind Western nations in terms of military and technology, although in a much better state than Korea. Furthermore, the West treated Japan as second-class and would not tolerate Japanese imperialism. A war would have drawn criticism from the West, effectively undoing diplomatic efforts from the Iwakura Mission. In this flexible political structure, 'no single leader dominated and each had to form coalitions to pursue policy.' As Saigo only represented one of the four factions within the Meiji Oligarchy, he did not have sufficient support to pursue imperialistic policies in Korea, Taiwan and Manchuria. This was however the best case scenario for Japan as it effectively hid its imperialistic tendencies until it was generally accepted and respected by the West as a world power and invaded China. This flexible political structure therefore curbed aggression and gave Japan the window to tap on Western technology and expertise until it reached a high level of modernization and pursued its own nationalistic policies.
3.3.3.2 Constant evolution of policies
'A passive revolution was as good as a dead one' (Iwakura, 1875). On top of curbing aggression and having a balance of power between leaders to ensure that only the best policies were passed for Japan, Japan's flexible political structure also promoted active revolution with constantly evolving policies and distribution of power. As Banno & Ohno (2010) puts it, 'the focus of the Meiji Restoration evolved constantly amongst the factors of industrialization, foreign expedition, establishment of parliament and drafting of constitution, based on the demands and needs of the particular time period'. Understanding that true modernization, which Japan achieved, was not something limited to military modernization, but also other political, social and economic aspects, the constant shift in focus meant that all these areas were given due attention. This undoubtedly led to the success of Meiji Restoration and the West believed that Japan was a civilised and deserving nation of the title 'world power'. The constant evolution of policies brought about by the flexible political structure also promoted competition between the factions as 'no one group yielded sufficient political power to carry out desired policies and could only pursue them by forming a coalition.' (Banno & Ohno, 2010) This meant that none of the leaders could rest on their laurels and have to constantly work hard and compete with one another to even get their policies past approval stage. This policy however hardly 'resulted in permanent grudges or vengeance against each other' (Banno & Ohno, 2010). This proves that the Meiji Restoration was an active revolution that is constantly adjusting and adapting and with its evolving policy, proved key in ensuring Japan's success in mere 50 years.
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3.4 Comparison
After analysing the three factors of legacies, vision and capabilities of individual leaders and the flexible political structure, we identify that all three factors play a huge role in the success of the Meiji Restoration, with particular regard to Japan's rise to international recognition and prestige. Following that, these factors shall be compared based on the following questions:
5. In what aspects did each factor contribute to success of Meiji Restoration?
6. Were the impacts of each factor sustained throughout the entire modernization process?
7. Could the Meiji Restoration have succeeded without a particular factor?
8. How would the Meiji Restoration have evolved differently if any factor was left out?
After giving a brief breakdown of each factor, we aim to classify what each factor directly represents and how it directly impacts the evolution of Meiji Restoration. Legacies of Japan include an ingrained sense of honour and pride to resist foreign invasion and political stability in Japan as a whole. These created a conducive environment for revolution and modernization to take place without bloodshed. The people also provided the active manpower needed to sustain the revolution. Legacies can thus we thought of as a solid foundation for Meiji leaders to develop. The second factor of vision and capabilities of individual leaders is an important one. This encompasses vision to develop diplomatic relations and ties with Western powers as well as sending students overseas to prepare the next generation of leaders. The numerous Meiji leaders also offer creative and innovative solutions to adopt and adapt Western policies to suit the unique needs of Japan. In a broad sense, this contributed to creative solutions and ideas. Finally, the flexible political structure brought in due caution when pushing out policies, especially those on an international scale. It also allowed for some form of competition within the structure to maximise the potential Japan has to modernize. This flexible political structure can thus be thought of as the factor that brought general direction and guidance for the revolution, as well as to allow leaders to work together efficiently, minimising conflict.
The legacies of Japan brought about a conducive environment for reforms. However, if we were to properly examine the impacts legacies have, we see that it was not sustained. Japanese values and pride made the people receptive and open to the idea of modernization, seeing that it was the only way to retain their status. As the Meiji Restoration moved on, the people have gradually established themselves in the national system, partially embracing Western values like capitalism and Japanese pride and honour no longer become the key motivating factor for the hard work of the people. Legacies like political stability give the leaders a distinct advantage to pursue a more fast-paced modernization without having to worry as much about internal conflicts. This, however merely acts as a stepping stone to provide a conducive environment to modernize and legacies are generally not sustained throughout the Meiji Restoration. The ingenuity and far-sightedness of individual Meiji leaders can be seen in the whole course of modernization. From 1868 to 1912, the focus has shifted many times between political, military and economic goals but the leaders have never failed to come up with creative solutions to the problems. The overall success of Meiji Restoration by 1906 when Japan was officially recognised by the West as a world power is a testament to the sustained impact the vision and capabilities of individual leaders had throughout the modernization process. The flexible political structure is undeniably a factor that was sustained from the beginning to the end of the Meiji Restoration. According to Banno & Ohno (2010),
'The flexible political structure can be seen throughout the Meiji Era, although often manifesting itself in less obvious forms'it remained relevant throughout, saving Japan from various crises such as the potential Korean expedition of 1873 and Satsuma Rebellion of 1877.'
Comparing all three factors, we see that Legacies played a more backseat role in the Meiji Restoration. While it created a conducive environment for the success of Meiji Restoration, its impacts were not as sustained throughout the course of the revolution as compared to the vision and capabilities of individual leaders as well as the flexible political structure.
Recognising that legacies played a less sustained role in Meiji Restoration, the vision and capabilities of individual leaders as well as the flexible political structure will be given more emphasis in analysing which was the most important factor. It is undeniable that the legacies of Japan made modernization slightly easier, and with less bloodshed than there would have been. However, given that its impact was only great at the start of the Meiji Restoration, its absence would not have deviated the course of the Meiji Restoration by much. The absence of Japanese legacies would have forced the leaders to take a longer way to first achieve political stability and satisfaction from the people before embarking on reforms. However, with the vision of leaders as well as the leaders working efficiently in the flexible political structure, the Meiji Restoration would still have been a success.
Moving on to directly compare vision and capabilities of individual leaders as well as the flexible political structure, we have to take into account that they are not mutually exclusive and are to a small extent related. Vision and capabilities of leaders ensured that the modernization was an active one, with constant new ideas and solutions. This was key to ensuring that Japan never gets left behind in its path to become a world power. However, a major flaw of that there would be conflict of interests between leaders. Considering that the leaders have vastly conflicting interests, almost causing a political split in 1873, 1876 and 1881, we see that merely having creative ideas and solutions were not going to work. Furthermore, Japan's modernization not only involves military modernization but also other aspects like political, economic and social. Hence solely having vision and capabilities would not get Japan anywhere. Only the flexible political structure is able to hold the leaders together to achieve the best outcome for Japan. Flexible political structure, on the other hand holds the leaders together. Any policy that wishes to be passed requires at least two other factions supporting it. This promotes competition, but also cooperation between different factions to pursue a balanced policy, one that emphasizes on all aspects of modernization. At the same time, having an efficient political structure that lacks far-sighted capable leaders amounts to nothing and thus both factors of vision and capability of individual leaders and flexible political structure are equally strong but mutually relying. I ultimately believe that flexible political structure is the most important factor as it held Japan together. Even if it did not have the best of leaders, such a political structure would have ensured that Japan progressed steadily, 'without falling into chaos or national division' (Banno & Ohno, 2010) as it would likely have if individual capable leaders were not united or cooperative in pushing out policies.

3.5 Conclusion
The comparison has given greater depth into the analysis of each factors. By understanding the links and relations between legacies of Japan, vision and capabilities of individual leaders, as well as flexible political structure, we realise that without any one of them, a successful modernization would have been hard, but not entirely impossible. Legacies provided Meiji leaders with a strong but unsustained foundation to build on, hence it cannot be seen as the singularly most important factor. Vision and capabilities of leaders work hand in hand with flexible political structure to achieve overall success of Meiji Restoration. Taking into account how flexible political structure held the leaders together and united and how the numerous capable leaders almost led to a civil war when could not cooperate, I believe that The most important factor that led to the success of the Meiji Restoration was the flexible political structure the Meiji Oligarchy adopted to fulfil multiple goals of modernization simultaneously.
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References
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Yoshida, M. (1985). Japanese Communications and Social Change in Nineteenth Century. Kyoto: Kyoto Daigaku Jinbun Kagaku Kenkyujo
Japanese:
Atsushi, K. '''' (2001). ''''''''''' (Japanese Pre-modern and Modern History). Tokyo: '''''''.
Eiichi, S '''''(1966).''''' (The Commercial and Industrial History of the Meiji Period). Tokyo: '''
Kiichiro, N ''''''(1999). '''''(Atlas of Japan) Tokyo:'''
Tsuneo, K. ''''' (1995). '''''''' (The Study of Meiji Economic History). Tokyo

Source: Essay UK - http://www.essay.uk.com/free-essays/history/success-meiji-restoration.php


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The Meiji Restoration and Modernization


 

 


Japan Answers the Challenge of the Western World

In 1868 the Tokugawa shôgun ("great general"), who ruled Japan in the feudal period, lost his power and the emperor was restored to the supreme position. The emperor took the name Meiji ("enlightened rule") as his reign name; this event was known as the Meiji Restoration.

The Reign of the Meiji Emperor: When the Meiji emperor was restored as head of Japan in 1868, the nation was a militarily weak country, was primarily agricultural, and had little technological development It was controlled by hundreds of semi-independent feudal lords. The Western powers--Europe and the United States--had forced Japan to sign treaties that limited its control over its own foreign trade and required that crimes concerning foreigners in Japan be tried not in Japanese but in Western courts. When the Meiji period ended, with the death of the emperor in 1912, Japan had

· a highly centralized, bureaucratic government;
· a constitution establishing an elected parliament;
· a well-developed transport and communication system;
· a highly educated population free of feudal class restrictions;
· an established and rapidly growing industrial sector based on the latest technology;
· a powerful army and navy.

It had regained complete control of its foreign trade and legal system, and, by fighting and winning two wars (one of them against a major European power, Russia), it had established full independence and equality in international affairs. In a little more than a generation, Japan had exceeded its goals, and in the process had changed its whole society. Japan's success in modernization has created great interest in why and how it was able to adopt Western political, social, and economic institutions in so short a time.

One answer is found in the Meiji Restoration itself. This political revolution "restored" the emperor to power, but he did not rule directly. He was expected to accept the advice of the group that had overthrown the shôgun, and it was from this group that a small number of ambitious, able, and patriotic young men from the lower ranks of the samurai emerged to take control and establish the new political system. At first, their only strength was that the emperor accepted their advice and several powerful feudal domains provided military support. They moved quickly, however, to build their own military and economic control. By July 1869 the feudal lords had been requested to give up their domains, and in 1871 these domains were abolished and transformed into prefectures of a unified central state.

The feudal lords and the samurai class were offered a yearly stipend, which was later changed to a one-time payment in government bonds. The samurai lost their class privileges, when the government declared all classes to be equal. By 1876 the government banned the wearing of the samurai's swords; the former samurai cut off their top knots in favor of Western-style haircuts and took up jobs in business and the professions.

The armies of each domain were disbanded, and a national army based on universal conscription was created in 1872, requiring three years' military service from all men, samurai and commoner alike. A national land tax system was established that required payment in money instead of rice, which allowed the government to stabilize the national budget. This gave the government money to spend to build up the strength of the nation.

Resistance and Rebellion Defeated: Although these changes were made in the name of the emperor and national defense, the loss of privileges brought some resentment and rebellion. When the top leadership left to travel in Europe and the United States to study Western ways in 1872, conservative groups argued that Japan should reply to Korean's refusal to revise a centuries old treaty with an invasion. This would help patriotic samurai to regain their importance. But the new leaders quickly returned from Europe and reestablished their control, arguing that Japan should concentrate on its own modernization and not engage in such foreign adventures.

For the next twenty years, in the 1870s and 1880s, the top priority remained domestic reform aimed at changing Japan's social and economic institutions along the lines of the model provided by the powerful Western nations. The final blow to conservative samurai came in the 1877 Satsuma rebellion, when the government's newly drafted army, trained in European infantry techniques and armed with modern Western guns, defeated the last resistance of the traditional samurai warriors. With the exception of these few samurai outbreaks, Japan's domestic transformation proceeded with remarkable speed, energy, and the cooperation of the people. This phenomenon is one of the major characteristics of Japan's modern history.

Ideology: In an effort to unite the Japanese nation in response to the Western challenge, the Meiji leaders created a civic ideology centered around the emperor. Although the emperor wielded no political power, he had long been viewed as a symbol of Japanese culture and historical continuity. He was the head of the Shintô religion, Japan's native religion. Among other beliefs, Shintô holds that the emperor is descended from the sun goddess and the gods who created Japan and therefore is semidivine. Westerners of that time knew him primarily as a ceremonial figure. The Meiji reformers brought the emperor and Shintô to national prominence, replacing Buddhism as the national religion, for political and ideological reasons. By associating Shintô with the imperial line, which reached back into legendary times, Japan had not only the oldest ruling house in the world, but a powerful symbol of age-old national unity.

The people seldom saw the emperor, yet they were to carry out his orders without question, in honor to him and to the unity of the Japanese people, which he represented. In fact, the emperor did not rule. It was his "advisers," the small group of men who exercised political control, that devised and carried out the reform program in the name of the emperor.

Social and Economic Changes: The abolition of feudalism made possible tremendous social and political changes. Millions of people were suddenly free to choose their occupation and move about without restrictions. by providing a new environment of political and financial security, the government made possible investment in new industries and technologies.

The government led the way in this, building railway and shipping lines, telegraph and telephone systems, three shipyards, ten mines, five munitions works, and fifty-three consumer industries (making sugar, glass, textiles, cement, chemicals, and other important products). This was very expensive, however, and strained government finances, so in 1880 the government decided to sell most of these industries to private investors, thereafter encouraging such activity through subsidies and other incentives. Some of the samurai and merchants who built these industries established major corporate conglomerates called zaibatsu, which controlled much of Japan's modern industrial sector.

The government also introduced a national educational system and a constitution, creating an elected parliament called the Diet. They did this to provide a good environment for national growth, win the respect of the Westerners, and build support for the modern state. In the Tokugawa period, popular education had spread rapidly, and in 1872 the government established a national system to educate the entire population. By the end of the Meiji period, almost everyone attended the free public schools for at least six years. The government closely controlled the schools, making sure that in addition to skills like mathematics and reading, all students studied "moral training," which stressed the importance of their duty to the emperor, the country and their families.

The 1889 constitution was "given" to the people by the emperor, and only he (or his advisers) could change it. A parliament was elected beginning in 1890, but only the wealthiest 1 percent of the population could vote in elections. In 1925 this was changed to allow all men (but not yet women) to vote.

To win the recognition of the Western powers and convince them to change the unequal treaties the Japanese had been forced to sign in the 1850s, Japan changed its entire legal system, adopting a new criminal and civil code modeled after those of France and Germany. The Western nations finally agreed to revise the treaties in 1894, acknowledging Japan as an equal in principle, although not in international power.

The International Climate: Colonialism and Expansion: In 1894 Japan fought a war against China over its interest in Korea, which China claimed as a vassal state. The Korean peninsula is the closest part of Asia to Japan, less than 100 miles by sea, and the Japanese were worried that the Russians might gain control of that weak nation. Japan won the war and gained control over Korea and gained Taiwan as a colony. Japan's sudden, decisive victory over China surprised the world and worried some European powers.

At this time the European nations were beginning to claim special rights in China--the French, with their colony in Indochina (today's Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia), were involved in South China; the British also claimed special rights in South China, near Hong Kong, and later the whole Yangtze valley; and the Russians, who were building a railway through Siberia and Manchuria, were interested in North China. After Japan's victory over China, Japan signed a treaty with China which gave Japan special rights on China's Liaotung peninsula, in addition to the control of Taiwan. But Japan's victory was short lived. Within a week, France, Russia, and Germany combined to pressure Japan to give up rights on the Liaotung peninsula. Each of these nations then began to force China to give it ports, naval bases, and special economic rights, with Russia taking the same Liaotung peninsula that Japan had been forced to return.

The Japanese government was angered by this incident and drew the lesson that for Japan to maintain its independence and receive equal treatment in international affairs, it was necessary to strengthen its military even further. By 1904, when the Russians were again threatening to establish control over Korea, Japan was much stronger. It declared war on Russia and, using all its strength, won victory in 1905 (beginning with a surprise naval attack on Port Arthur, which gained for Japan the control of the China Sea). Japan thus achieved dominance over Korea and established itself a colonial power in East Asia.

The Period 1912-1941: The Meiji reforms brought great changes both within Japan and in Japan's place in world affairs. Japan strengthened itself enough to remain a sovereign nation in the face of Western colonizing powers and indeed became a colonizing power itself. During the Taishô period (1912-1945), Japanese citizens began to ask for more voice in the government and for more social freedoms. During this time, Japanese society and the Japanese political system were significantly more open than they were either before or after. The period has often been called the period of "Taishô democracy." One explanation is that, until World War I, Japan enjoyed record breaking economic prosperity. The Japanese people had more money to spend, more leisure, and better education, supplemented by the development of mass media. Increasingly they lived in cities where they came into contact with influences from abroad and where the traditional authority of the extended family was less influential. Industrialization in itself undermined traditional values, emphasizing instead efficiency, independence, materialism, and individualism. During these years Japan saw the emergence of a "mass society" very similar to the "Roaring 20s" in the United States. During these years also, the Japanese people began to demand universal manhood suffrage which they won in 1925. Political parties increased their influence, becoming powerful enough to appoint their own prime ministers between 1918 and 1931.

At the end of World War I, however, Japan entered a severe economic depression. The bright, optimistic atmosphere of the Taishô period gradually disappeared. Political party government was marred by corruption. The government and military, consequently, grew stronger, the parliament weaker. The advanced industrial sector became increasingly controlled by a few giant businesses, the zaibatsu. Moreover, Japan's international relations were disrupted by trade tensions and by growing international disapproval of Japan's activities in China. But success in competing with the European powers in East Asia strengthened the idea that Japan could, and should, further expand its influence on the Asian mainland by military force.

Japan's need for natural resources and the repeated rebuffs from the West to Japan's attempts to expand its power in Asia paved the way for militarists to rise to power. Insecurity in international relations allowed a right-wing militaristic faction to control first foreign, then domestic, policy. With the military greatly influencing the government, Japan began an aggressive military campaign throughout Asia, and then, in 1941, bombed Pearl Harbor.

Summary: The most important feature of the Meiji period was Japan's struggle for recognition of its considerable achievement and for equality with Western nations. Japan was highly successful in organizing an industrial, capitalist state on Western models. But when Japan also began to apply the lessons it learned from European imperialism, the West reacted negatively. In a sense Japan's chief handicap was that it entered into the Western dominated world order at a late stage. Colonialism and the racist ideology that accompanied it, were too entrenched in Western countries to allow an "upstart," nonwhite nation to enter the race for natural resources and markets as an equal. Many of the misunderstandings between the West and Japan stemmed from Japan's sense of alienation from the West, which seemed to use a different standard in dealing with European nations than it did with a rising Asian power like Japan.


Discussion Questions

1) What were some of the political, economic and social changes that occurred during the Meiji Period?

2) What personage was at the center of Japan's new civic ideology? Why was using this personage as a symbol of national unity effective?

3) What role did the central government play in growing industry? providing education?

4) How did colonization affect Asia in the late 1890's? What was the West's response to Japan's colonization efforts?

5) The terms "modernization" and "Westernization" are often used interchangeably. What do these terms mean to you? Why do you think they often mean the same thing?

6) Why is the period 1912-1945 sometimes referred to as the "Taishô democracy"?

7) How would you describe the political situation in Japan at the end of World War I?

 


 

The Charter Oath of 1868(1)

The following declaration, often called the "Charter Oath of 1868" is one of the first documents written by the new Meiji leaders and reveals much about the new society they hoped to created.

By this oath we set up as our aim the establishment of the national weal on a broad basis and the framing of a constitution and laws.

1. Deliberative assemblies shall be widely established and all matters decided by public discussion.
2. All classes, high and low, shall unite in vigorously carrying out the administration of affairs of state.
3. The common people, no less than the civil and military officials, shall each be allowed to pursue his own calling so that there may be no discontent.
4. Evil customs of the past shall be broken off and everything based upon the just laws of Nature.
5. Knowledge shall be sought throughout the world so as to strengthen the foundations of imperial rule.*

The oath was written by the new leaders and given to the newly restored emperor to present to the people.

(1) Source: Sources of Japanese Tradition, volume II, compiled by Ryusaku Tsunoda, Wm. Theodore de Bary and Donald Keene (N.Y.:Columbia University Press, 1958) p. 137.

Discussion Questions

1) How did the new leaders envision the role of citizens in the new government?

2)Which parts of this oath would you describe as "democratic," "undemocratic"? Why?

3) Read the Meiji Constitution of 1889 that follows and decide whether the promises made in the Charter Oath were fulfilled by the Constitution.

 


 

The Meiji Constitution(2)

Preamble

 

Having, by virtue of the glories of Our Ancestors, ascended the Throne of a lineal succession unbroken for ages eternal; desiring to promote the welfare of, and to give development to the moral and intellectual faculties of Our beloved subjects, the very same that have been favored with the benevolent care and affectionate vigilance of Our Ancestors; and hoping to maintain the prosperity of the State, in concert with Our people and with their support, We hereby promulgate, in pursuance of Our Imperial Rescript of the 12th day of the 10th month of the 14th year of Meiji, a fundamental law of State, to exhibit the principles, by which We are to be guided in Our conduct, and to point out to what Our descendants and Our subjects and their descendants are forever to conform.

The rights of sovereignty of the State, We have inherited from Our Ancestors, and We shall bequeath them to Our descendants. Neither We nor they shall in future fail to wield them, in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution hereby granted.

We now declare to respect and protect the security of the rights and of the property of Our people, and to secure to them the complete enjoyment of the same, within the extent of the provisions of the present Constitution and of the law.

The Imperial Diet shall first be convoked for the 23rd year of Meiji and the time of its opening shall be the date when the present Constitution comes into force.

When in the future it may become necessary to amend any of the provisions of the present Constitution, We or Our successors shall assume the initiative right, and submit a project for the same to the Imperial Diet. The Imperial Diet shall pass its vote upon it, according to the conditions imposed by the present Constitution, and in no otherwise shall Our descendants or Our subjects be permitted to attempt any alteration thereof.

Our Ministers of State, on Our behalf, shall be held responsible for the carrying out of the present Constitution, and Our present and future subjects shall forever assume the duty of allegiance to the present Constitution.

Chapter 1

 

The Emperor

 

ARTICLE I. The Empire of Japan shall be reigned over and governed by a line of Emperors unbroken for ages eternal.

ARTICLE II. The Imperial Throne shall be succeeded to by Imperial male descendants, according to the provisions of the Imperial House Law.

ARTICLE III. The Emperor is sacred and inviolable.

ARTICLE IV. The Emperor is the head of the Empire, combining in Himself the rights of sovereignty, and exercises them, according to the provisions of the present Constitution.

ARTICLE V. The Emperor exercises the legislative power with the consent of the Imperial Diet.

ARTICLE VI. The Emperor gives sanction to laws and orders them to be promulgated and executed.

ARTICLE VII. The Emperor convokes the Imperial Diet, opens, closes and prorogues it, and dissolves the House of Representatives.

ARTICLE VIII. The Emperor, in consequence of an urgent necessity to maintain public safety or to avert public calamities, issues, when the Imperial Diet is not sitting, Imperial Ordinances in the place of law.

Such Imperial Ordinances are to be laid before the Imperial Diet at its next session, and when the Diet does not approve the said Ordinances, the Government shall declare them to be invalid for the future.

ARTICLE IX. The Emperor issues or causes to be issued, the Ordinances necessary for the carrying out of the laws, or for the maintenance of the public peace and order, and for the promotion of the welfare of the subjects. But no Ordinance shall in any way alter any of the existing laws.

ARTICLE X. The Emperor determines the organization of the different branches of the administration, and salaries of all civil and military officers, and appoints and dismisses the same. Exceptions especially provided for in the present Constitution or in other laws, shall be in accordance with the respective provisions (bearing thereon).

ARTICLE XI. The Emperor has the supreme command of the Army and Navy.

ARTICLE XII. The Emperor determines the organization and peace standing of the Army and Navy.

ARTICLE XIII. The Emperor declares war, makes peace, and concludes treaties.

ARTICLE XIV. The Emperor declares a state of siege. The conditions and effects of a state of siege shall be determined by law.

ARTICLE XV. The Emperor confers titles of nobility, rank, orders and other marks of honor.

ARTICLE XVI. The Emperor orders amnesty, pardon, commutation of punishments and rehabilitation.

ARTICLE XVII. A Regency shall be instituted in conformity with the provisions of the Imperial House Law. The Regent shall exercise the powers appertaining to the Emperor in His name.

Chapter II

 

Rights and Duties of Subjects

 

ARTICLE XVIII. The conditions necessary for being a Japanese subject shall be determined by law.

ARTICLE XIX. Japanese subjects may, according to qualifications determined in laws or ordinances, be appointed to civil or military or any other public offices equally.

ARTICLE XX. Japanese subjects are amenable to service in the Army or Navy, according to the provisions of law.

ARTICLE XXI. Japanese subjects are amenable to the duty of paying taxes, according to the provisions of law.

ARTICLE XXII. Japanese subjects shall have the liberty of abode and of changing the same within the limits of law.

ARTICLE XXIII. No Japanese subject shall be arrested, detained, tried or punished, unless according to law.

ARTICLE XXIV. No Japanese subject shall be deprived of his right of being tried by the judges determined by law.

ARTICLE XXV. Except in the cases provided for in the law, the house of no Japanese subject shall be entered or searched without his consent.

ARTICLE XXVI. Except in the cases mentioned in the law, the secrecy of the letters of every Japanese subject shall remain inviolate.

ARTICLE XXVII. The right of property of every Japanese subject shall remain inviolate. Measures necessary to be taken for the public benefit shall be provided for by law.

ARTICLE XXVIII. Japanese subjects shall, within limits not prejudicial to peace and order, and not antagonistic to their duties as subjects, enjoy freedom of religious belief.

ARTICLE XXIX. Japanese subjects shall, within the limits of law, enjoy the liberty of speech, writing, publication, public meetings and associations.

ARTICLE XXX. Japanese subjects may present petitions, by observing the proper forms of respect, and by complying with the rules specially provided for the same.

ARTICLE XXXI. The provisions contained in the present Chapter shall not affect the exercise of the powers appertaining to the Emperor, in times of war or in cases of a national emergency.

ARTICLE XXXXII. Each and every one of the provisions contained in the preceding Articles of the present Chapter, that are not in conflict with the laws or the rules and discipline of the Army and Navy, shall apply to the officers and men of the Army and of the Navy.

Chapter III

 

The Imperial Diet

 

ARTICLE XXXIII. The Imperial Diet shall consist of two Houses, a House of Peers and a House of Representatives.

ARTICLE XXXIV. The House of Peers shall, in accordance with the Ordinance concerning the House of Peers, be composed of the members of the Imperial Family, of the orders of nobility, and of those persons who have been nominated thereto by the Emperor.

ARTICLE XXXV. The House of Representatives shall be composed of Members elected by the people, according to the provisions of the Law of Election.

ARTICLE XXXVI. No one can at one and the same time be a Member of both Houses.

ARTICLE XXXVII. Every law requires the comment of the Imperial Diet.

ARTICLE XL. Both Houses shall vote upon projects of law submitted to it by the Government, and may respectively initiate projects of law.

ARTICLE XLI. A bill, which has been rejected by either the one or the other of the two Houses, shall not be again brought in during the same session.

ARTICLE XL. Both Houses can make representations to the Government, as to laws or upon any other subject.

When, however, such representations are not accepted, they cannot be made a second time during the same session.

ARTICLE XLI. The Imperial Diet shall be convoked every year.

ARTICLE XLII. A session of the Imperial Diet shall last during three months. In case of necessity, the duration of a session may be prolonged by Imperial Order.

ARTICLE XLIII. When urgent necessity arises, an extraordinary session may be convoked, in addition to the ordinary one.

The duration of an extraordinary session shall be determined by Imperial Order.

ARTICLE XLIV. The opening, closing, prolongation of session and prorogation of the Imperial Diet, shall be effected simultaneously for both Houses.

In case the House of Representatives has been ordered to dissolve, the House of Peers shall at the same time be prorogued.

ARTICLE XLV. When the House of Representatives has been ordered to dissolve, Members shall be caused by Imperial Order to be newly elected, and the new House shall be convoked within five months from the day of dissolution.

ARTICLE XLVI. No debate can be opened and no vote can be taken in either House of the Imperial Diet, unless not less than one third of the whole number of the Members thereof is present.

ARTICLE XLVII. Votes shall be taken in both Houses by absolute majority. In the case of a tie vote, the President shall have the casting vote.

ARTICLE XLVIII. The deliberations of both Houses shall be held in public. The deliberations may, however, upon demand of the Government or by resolution of the House, be held in secret sitting.

ARTICLE XLIX. Both Houses of the Imperial Diet may respectively present addresses to the Emperor.

ARTICLE L. Both Houses may receive petitions presented by subjects.

ARTICLE LI. Both Houses may enact, besides what is provided for in the present Constitution and in the Law of the Houses, rules necessary for the management of their internal affairs.

ARTICLE LII. No Member of either House shall be held responsible outside the respective Houses, for any opinion uttered or for any vote given in the House. When, however, a Member himself has given publicity to his opinions by public speech, by documents in print or in writing, or by any other similar means, he shall, in the matter, be amenable to the general law.

ARTICLE LIII. The Members of both Houses shall, during the session, be free from arrest, unless with the consent of the House, except in cases of flagrant delicts, or of offences connected with a state of internal commotion or with a foreign trouble.

ARTICLE LIV. The Ministers of State and the Delegates of the Government may, at any time, take seats and speak in either House.

Chapter IV

 

The Ministers of State and the Privy Council

 

ARTICLE LV. The respective Ministers of State shall give their advice to the Emperor, and be responsible for it.

All Laws, Imperial Ordinances and Imperial Rescripts of whatever kind, that relate to the affairs of the State, require the countersignature of a Minister of State.

ARTICLE LVI. The Privy Councilor shall, in accordance with the provisions for the organization of the Privy Council, deliberate upon important matters of State, when they have been consulted by the Emperor.

Chapter V

 

The Judicature

 

ARTICLE LVII. The Judicature shall be exercised by the Courts of Law according to law, in the name of the Emperor.

The organization of the Courts of Law shall be determined by law.

ARTICLE LVIII. The judges shall be appointed from among those who possess proper qualifications according to law.

No judge shall be deprived of his position, unless by way of criminal sentence or disciplinary punishment.

Rules for disciplinary punishment shall be determined by law.

ARTICLE LIX. Trials and judgments of a Court shall be conducted publicly. When, however, there exists any fear that such publicity may be prejudicial to peace and order, or to the maintenance of public morality, the public trial may be suspended by provision of law or by the decision of the Court of Law.

ARTICLE LX. All matters that fall within the competency of a special Court shall be specially provided for by law.

ARTICLE LXI. No suit at law, which relates to rights alleged to have been infringed by the illegal measures of the administrative authorities and which shall come within the competency of the Court of Administrative Litigation specially established by law, shall be taken cognizance of by a Court of Law.

Chapter VI

 

Finance

 

ARTICLE LXII. The imposition of a new tax or the modification of the rates (of an existing one) shall be determined by law.

However, all such administrative fees or other revenue having the nature of compensation shall not fall within the category of the above clause.

The raising of national loans and the contracting of other liabilities to the charge of the National Treasury, except those that are provided in the Budget, shall require the consent of the Imperial Diet.

ARTICLE LXIII. The taxes levied at present shall, in so far as they are not remodeled by a new law, be collected according to the old system.

ARTICLE LXIV. The expenditure and revenue of the State require the consent of the Imperial Diet by means of an annual Budget.

Any and all expenditures overpassing the appropriations set forth in the Tides and Paragraphs of the Budget, or that are not provided for in the Budget, shall subsequently require the approbation of the Imperial Diet.

ARTICLE LXV. The Budget shall be first laid before the House of Representatives.

ARTICLE LXVI. The expenditures of the Imperial House shall be defrayed every year out of the National Treasury, according to the present fixed amount for the same, and shall not require the consent thereto of the Imperial Diet, except in case an increase thereof is found necessary.

ARTICLE LXVII. Those already fixed expenditures based by the Constitution upon the powers appertaining to the Emperor, and such expenditures as may have arisen by the effect of law, or that appertain to the legal obligations of the Government, shall be neither rejected nor reduced by the Imperial Diet, without the concurrence of the Government.

ARTICLE LXVIII. In order to meet special requirements, the Government may ask the consent of the Imperial Diet to a certain amount as a Continuing Expenditure Fund, for a previously fixed number of years.

ARTICLE LXIX. In order to supply deficiencies, which are unavoidable, in the Budget, and to meet requirements unprovided for in the same, a Reserve Fund shall be provided in the Budget.

ARTICLE LXX. When the Imperial Diet cannot be convoked, owing to the external or internal condition of the country, in case of urgent need for the maintenance of public safety, the Government may take all necessary financial measures, by means of an Imperial Ordinance.

In the case mentioned in the preceding clause, the matter shall be submitted to the Imperial Diet at its next session, and its approbation shall be obtained thereto.

ARTICLE LXXI. When the Imperial Diet has not voted on the Budget, or when the Budget has not been brought into actual existence, the Government shall carry out the Budget of the preceding year.

ARTICLE LXXII. The final account of the expenditures and revenue of the State shall be verified and confirmed by the Board of Audit, and it shall be submitted by the Government to the Imperial Diet, together with the report of verification of the said Board.

The organization and competency of the Board of Audit shall be determined by law separately.

Chapter VII.

 

Supplementary Rules

 

ARTICLE LXXIII. When it has become necessary in future to amend the provisions of the present Constitution, a project to the effect shall be submitted to the Imperial Diet by Imperial Order.

In the above case, neither House can open the debate, unless not less than two-thirds of the whole number of Members are present, and no amendment can be passed, unless a majority of not less than two-thirds of the Members present is obtained.

ARTICLE LXXIV. No modification of the Imperial House Law shall be required to be submitted to the deliberation of the Imperial Diet.

No provision of the present Constitution can be modified by the Imperial House Law.

ARTICLE LXXV. No modification can be introduced into the Constitution, or into the Imperial House Law, during the time of a Regency.

ARTICLE LXXVI. Existing legal enactments, such as laws, regulations, Ordinances, or by whatever names they may be called, shall, so far as they do not conflict with the present Constitution, continue in force.

All existing contracts or orders, that entail obligations upon the Government, and that are connected with expenditure, shall come within the scope of ARTICLE LXVII.

(2) Taken from Arthur Tiedemann, Modern Japan: A Brief History, New York: D. Van Norstrand, Co., 1962 as taken from Ito Hirobumi, Commentaries on the Constitution of the Empire of Japan, translated by Ito Myoji (Tokyo), passim.


Discussion Questions

1) A constitution outlines the powers of various government leaders and government bodies, as well as defining the rights and responsibilities of citizens. According to the Meiji Constitution what powers did the following people/groups have?

  1. The Emperor
  2. The Diet (legislature)
  3. Minister of State and Privy Councilor
  4. Judicature

2) How were the above chosen for office? Which were appointed? By whom were they appointed? Which were elected?

3) What process needed to be followed to amend this constitution?

4) During the years leading to World War II, Japan's military became the most influential government body. Some have blamed the Meiji Constitution for this. What does the Meiji Constitution say or not say about the military? To whom was the military responsible? (Look at chapter 1 of the Constitution.)


© Columbia University, East Asian Curriculum Projecthttp://afe.easia.columbia.edu
Contemporary Japan: A Teaching Workbook

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